By Dave McRae
Regardless of no earlier heritage of modern unrest, Poso, from 1998-2007, turned the positioning of the main protracted inter-religious clash in postauthoritarian Indonesia, in addition to probably the most very important theatres of operations for the Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist community. 9 years of violent clash among Christians and Muslims in Poso increased a formerly little recognized district in jap Indonesia to nationwide and international prominence. Drawing on a decade of analysis, for the main half performed whereas the clash was once ongoing, this ebook offers the 1st complete heritage of this violence. It additionally addresses the puzzle of why the Poso clash was once capable of persist for thus lengthy in an more and more, reliable democratic country, regardless of the show up weaknesses of the small teams of guys using the violence.
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Extra info for A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia
Established in 1930 and headquartered in Palu, Al-Khairaat maintains a network of schools throughout Central Sulawesi along with smaller networks in nine other provinces (Sangaji 2002; Aragon 2005). Various other Muslim organizations lay claim to smaller followings in Poso, including the modernist Muhammadiyah, which is Indonesia’s second largest Islamic organization, and the South Sulawesi based Darud Dakwah wal-Irsyad. 1 Migration and changes to the district’s administrative boundaries have been the two main factors that have driven these shifts.
The degree of geographic specificity of this argument—the provincial level—provides a further caution against attributing a causal role to this context. Most of Central Sulawesi did not experience large-scale violence—Poso district was an exception rather than the rule. Indeed, even within Poso much of the violence was concentrated within certain sub-districts. Davidson (2009:348) eloquently makes the same point for the conflicts in specific districts in West and Central Kalimantan provinces, each of which has a land area greater than that of Java: ‘No one would consider satisfactory an analytical framework that pinpoints the island of Java as being susceptible to violent conflict.
Prior to becoming district head, he had been deputy chairperson of the Central Sulawesi provincial parliament. First elected to the post of district head in 1989, Patanga had reportedly greatly enriched himself in the intervening years by installing relatives in strategic posts in the local bureaucracy (Aragon 2007). By the end of the Suharto regime, Patanga was nearing the end of his second five-year term, and consequently could not contest the elections to be held for the post in 1999. 40 chapter three Consequently, Patanga tendered his ‘letter of resignation’ in midDecember 1998, but this was merely a formal administrative requirement, and one that did not take immediate effect.